Digitalizing Childhood: Central Asian Case
Digital childhood has become a defining global trend, reshaping how young people learn, communicate, and socialize. Recent data shows that 79% of individuals aged 15–24 use the internet, compared with 65% of those aged 25 and older, highlighting a persistent generational gap (International Telecommunication Union, 2023). The age gap reflects earlier technology adoption among youth, with children now accessing digital devices at increasingly younger ages. Among parents whose child uses a smartphone, 60% report their child began engaging with one before age 5, including roughly one-third before age 2 (Auxier et al., 2020). Moreover, the majority of parents say their child watches videos (63%) or plays games (60%) on a smartphone, and 55% report their child uses or interacts with a tablet computer. Screen time has become ubiquitous: 80% of parents with a child aged 5 to 11 say their child ever interacts with or uses a tablet, while 71% report the same for smartphones. These dynamics open opportunities for education and digital skill building but also introduce new challenges, including unequal access, exposure to online risks, and concerns about children’s mental and physical well-being.
Central Asia is experiencing similar shifts, albeit with significant intra-regional disparities. The most prominent and relevant example includes the Kazakhstan Kids Online report from UNICEF (2023), which demonstrates that Kazakhstani children have widespread and early access to the Internet. According to the survey, 46% of children first go online between the ages of 5 and 8, and an additional one-third do so between 9 and 12. Smartphone use is nearly universal: 92% of children access the Internet on their phones daily or several times per day. The report also shows that children perceive the digital environment positively, with 94% agreeing that the Internet contains useful resources for their age group and 93% stating that they enjoy their time online. This sense of enjoyment grows with age, as adolescents aged 15–17 are significantly more likely than younger children to report consistently positive online experiences. Beyond communication and entertainment, digital technologies also play a role in learning: 60% of children use the Internet for schoolwork, and 46% search for new information daily or more often. While there is no such direct evidence in other countries of the region, the overall trend for digitalization makes it safe to assume that the described statistics may soon become relevant for most of the population of Central Asia. Thus, how governments and societies respond to these trends now will shape long-term outcomes: from ensuring equitable access and strengthening digital literacy to developing safeguards that protect children in rapidly evolving online environments.
In many societies and especially among more conservative groups there is a widely held worry that heavier use of digital tools and gadgets by children does real harm. People say that more screen time damages children’s physical and mental health, interferes with socialization, and makes attention worse. Those concerns are commonly voiced in public debates and media coverage, which often point to rising statistics on youth mental-health problems and to studies linking screen use with anxiety, depression, or self-harm (Nagata et al., 2024). Policymakers and schools sometimes respond to recent headlines about smartphone restrictions or school rules banning devices, reflecting this worry. Public health bodies and professional associations also issue cautious guidance for example, pediatric and mental-health organizations continue to flag risks such as poorer sleep, reduced physical activity, or attention problems associated with some kinds of screen use (American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 2025). In short, the perception that technology is a prime driver of a modern “youth mental-health crisis” is widespread and influential in policy debates.
However, it would be misleading to claim as some popular narratives do that digitalization, technology, and social media are the direct and sole causes of children’s mental-health problems. The most careful recent syntheses and large-scale analyses find that screen time per se is not a simple, consistent cause of severe mental-health harms. UNICEF’s global report Childhood in a Digital World and its technical statistical annex conclude there is no strong, consistent evidence that screen time by itself causes anxiety, self-harm, or suicidal ideation; associations that do appear are typically weak, small in magnitude, and inconsistent across studies and contexts (Bhargava et al., 2025; UNICEF Innocenti, 2025). Researchers and reviewers likewise emphasize that effects depend on what children do online, who they are, and the broader family and social context rather than raw minutes of screen exposure (Nagata et al., 2024). A recent expert commentary and book review “No Simple Answers for Kids and Screens” likewise rejects a one-sided “technology is the bogeyman” argument and stresses that outcomes depend on multiple moderating factors (Konrath, 2025). In short, the evidence points to nuance, not a single cause-and-effect story.
There are plausible alternative explanations for the observed global rise in child and adolescent mental-health problems that do not single out screens as the main driver. These include the psychological and social impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic (school closures, social isolation, family stress), growing economic insecurity and inequality, climate anxiety, increased detection and changing diagnostic practices (more awareness, broader diagnostic criteria), and greater help-seeking and reporting. Several large reviews and cohort studies show that mental-health incidence rose markedly during and after the pandemic, and that ADHD diagnoses and demand for services changed in ways consistent with altered social conditions and service access not solely due to device use (Auro et al., 2024). For instance, many children experienced prolonged disruptions to routines, irregular sleep schedules, and reduced outdoor activity during lockdowns all of which are known to affect mood and attention regardless of screen use. Similarly, families facing financial strain or parental burnout may see behavioral or emotional changes in children that have little to do with digital devices but stem from broader household stressors. Thus, a multifactor explanation (pandemic, structural stressors, diagnostic and reporting shifts, sleep and lifestyle changes) fits the evidence better than a single-cause story blaming gadgets alone.
Moreover, completely trying to “disconnect” children from digital tools is neither realistic nor desirable. Many countries and schools have experimented with restricting phones during lessons, and some Central Asian schools and policymakers have moved toward stricter rules or considered age limits for social media. For instance, in Tajikistan, the use of electronic devices in classrooms was banned altogether (Times of Central Asia, 2024). Similar policies have been introduced in most countries of the region in recent years (Listvin, 2025; Kupbayeva, 2025). But international evidence and expert commentary warn that bans alone are unlikely to solve the underlying problems: studies show that blanket phone bans do not automatically improve grades or wellbeing unless they are part of a broader strategy (Weaver, 2025), and it can also be argued that outright prohibition can lead to a multitude of negative consequences, such as lower trust between students and teachers or stress caused in students by the fear of missing out. Thus, there is consistent expert caution that policy should be comprehensive rather than purely prohibitive.
A more constructive alternative is the “care-centered” approach to technology, which focuses on protecting children while enabling the benefits of connectivity. For instance, UNICEF’s Responsible Innovation in Technology for Children program emphasizes building digital skills, embedding child-rights principles into product design, strengthening privacy and safety, and teaching children’s critical digital literacies (UNICEF, 2024). A “tech with care” concept argues for deliberate policies and design choices that teach children how to use technology purposefully, protect their data and mental health, and create supportive environments — rather than attempting hard bans that risk excluding children from learning or social participation (Konrath, 2025). Experts who promote this approach note that it works by changing platform design incentives, improving regulation, building parental and school capacity, and focusing on digital citizenship and resilience measurable, practical steps rather than moral panic.
Finally, there are many clear benefits for children growing up in a more digital world. Evidence documents gains in access to information and educational resources, new forms of peer and civic participation, improved opportunities for learning in remote or underserved areas (especially when schools are connected to broadband), and tools that support children with special needs or living in care (UNICEF, 2024). Digital skills are increasingly essential for future labor markets; early, guided exposure to technology can build problem-solving, collaboration, and digital literacy that help children later in life. Where connectivity is combined with good pedagogy and safeguards, the benefits for learning outcomes and civic engagement can be substantial.
Taken together, this means we should not view digitalization only as a threat. It brings real risks but those risks are mitigable through policy, education, and design. Balanced action, which includes connectivity, safeguards, digital skills, and child-rights design, preserves the benefits children gain from technology while reducing harm; the question is not whether children should be online, but how societies make the online world safer, more equitable, and more developmental for them. Thus, the first law on artificial intelligence in Central Asia, signed by President Tokayev, creates a regulatory framework for the safer use of AI. The law prohibits behavioral manipulation, exploitation of vulnerabilities, non-consensual emotion recognition, social ratings, and illegal data collection, applicable to both adult and child users (Omirgazy, 2025).
Experts in Central Asian countries specializing in digital skills development should focus on conducting national studies to assess the state of children's digital literacy and develop a series of recommendations for developing special programs for children in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. These recommendations could include the development of educational products and methodological guides for developing digital skills in national languages, country-specific and regional educational programs, and training for national trainers. These recommendations could be supported not only by government agencies but also by non-governmental organizations and parental organizations, as well as by all those interested in preserving children's mental and physical health and the sustainable development of society.
References
American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (2025). Children and watching TV Facts for Families No. 54. Retrieved from https://www.aacap.org/AACAP/Families_and_Youth/Facts_for_Families/FFF-Guide/Children-And-Watching-TV-054 Accessed on 11.11.2025.
Auro, Kirsi, Holopainen, Ida, Perola, Markus, Havulinna, Aki and Raevuori, Anu (2024). ADHD diagnoses in Finland during the COVID-19 pandemic. Retrieved from https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2820434. Accessed on 16.11.2025.
Auxier, Brooke, Anderson, Monica, Perrin, Andrew and Turner, Erica (2020). Parenting children in the age of screens. Pew Research Center. Retrieved from https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2020/07/28/parenting-children-in-the-age-of-screens/ Accessed on 16.11.2025.
Bhargava, Arisha, Guillou, Helene, Rees, Gwyther, and Kardefelt-Winther, Daniel (2025). Statistical analysis: Childhood in a digital world. UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. Retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/innocenti/media/11321/file/UNICEF-Innocenti-Childhood-Digital-World-Statistical-Analysis-2025.pdf. Accessed on 01.11.2025.
International Telecommunication Union (2023). Facts and figures 2023: Youth Internet use. Retrieved from https://www.itu.int/itu-d/reports/statistics/2023/10/10/ff23-youth-internet-use/. Accessed on 16.11.2025.
Konrath, Sara (2025). No simple answers for kids and screens. Education Next, 25(4). Retrieved from https://www.educationnext.org/no-simple-answers-for-kids-and-screens-book-review-twenge-10-rules-for-raising-kids-in-a-high-tech-world. Accessed on 16.11.2025.
Kupbayeva, Anelya (2025). Smartphones blamed for falling grades as Kazakhstan schools toughen rules. Tengrinews. Retrieved from https://en.tengrinews.kz/edu/smartphones-blamed-for-falling-grades-as-kazakhstan-schools-268866/ Accessed on 17.11.2025.
Listvin, Daniil (2025). Registration and fines for parents: What are the risks of using a phone at school? Nova24. Retrieved from https://nova24.uz/en/lets-explain/registration-and-fines-for-parents-what-are-the-risks-of-using-a-phone-at-school/ Accessed on 01.11.2025.
Nagata, Jason, Cortez, Al-Shoaibi, Abubakr, Leong, Alicia, Zamora, Gabriel, Testa, Alexander, Ganson, Kyle and Baker, Fiona (2024). Screen time and mental health: A prospective analysis. BMC Public Health. Retrieved from https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12889-024-20102-x. Accessed on 16.11.2025.
OECD (2025). How’s life for children in the digital age? OECD Publishing. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1787/0854b900-en. Accessed on 15.11.2025.
Omirgazy, Dana (2025). Kazakhstan Adopts Central Asia’s First AI Law. The Astana Times. Retrieved from https://astanatimes.com/2025/11/kazakhstan-adopts-central-asias-first-ai-law/ Accessed on 18.11.2025.
Times of Central Asia (2024). Electronic devices are banned from classrooms in Tajikistan. Retrieved from https://timesca.com/electronic-devices-banned-from-classrooms. Accessed on 16.11.2025.
UNICEF Innocenti (2025). Statistical analysis: Childhood in a digital world (Technical annex). Retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/innocenti/media/11321/file/UNICEF-Innocenti-Childhood-Digital-World-Statistical-Analysis-2025.pdf. Accessed on 01.11.2025.
UNICEF (2024). Responsible Innovation in Technology for Children (RITEC). Retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/innocenti/reports/responsible-innovation-technology-children. Accessed on 16.11.2025.
UNICEF (2023). Kazakhstan Kids Online: The digital life of children in Kazakhstan. Retrieved from https://www.unicef.org/kazakhstan/media/13061/file/Kazakhstan%20Kids%20Online.pdf. Accessed on 14.11.2025.
Weaver, Matthew (2025). School phone bans do not improve grades or well-being, major UK study finds. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/education/2025/feb/05/school-ban-phones-not-improve-grades-health-uk-study. Accessed on 16.11.2025.
Note: The views expressed in this blog are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the Institute’s editorial policy.
